Agreement at PF: An Argument from Partial Control

Idan Landau

doi:10.1111/synt.12118

Agreement at PF: An Argument from Partial Control

Idan Landau

Department of Foreign Literatures & Linguistics

Research output: Contribution to journal › Article › peer-review

26 Scopus citations

Abstract

Controlled null subjects (PRO) are semantically bound variables that bear morphological features. In certain environments of partial control, the morphological φ(symbol)-features (specifically, [person]) and the semantic value of PRO diverge. A natural explanation of the fact that the [person] feature of PRO is uninterpreted is that it is assigned at Phonological Form (PF). Given that this feature participates in agreement relations, we conclude that agreement must be (optionally or exclusively) a PF phenomenon.

Original language	English
Pages (from-to)	79-109
Number of pages	31
Journal	Syntax
Volume	19
Issue number	1
DOIs	https://doi.org/10.1111/synt.12118
State	Published - 1 Mar 2016

ASJC Scopus subject areas

Language and Linguistics
Linguistics and Language

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10.1111/synt.12118

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Agreement at PF: An Argument from Partial Control

Abstract

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