Gribanova (2013b) observes that when the antecedent clause for an object gap in Russian contains a disjunction of ditransitive VPs, the gap is interpreted as if it contained the disjunction, thus favoring a V-stranding VP-ellipsis (VSVPE) analysis over a simple Argument Ellipsis (AE) analysis. We show that VSVPE fails to predict the attested interpretation of the gap when the antecedent VP contains a conjunction. The data are fully explained by combining AE with a pragmatic (scalar) inference triggered in situations of indeterminate ellipsis resolution, leading to multiple “cycles” in the dynamic semantics.
|Number of pages||23|
|State||Published - 1 Apr 2021|
ASJC Scopus subject areas
- Language and Linguistics
- Linguistics and Language
- History and Philosophy of Science