Ellipsis with a Coordinated Antecedent: An Alternative to V-Stranding VP-Ellipsis

Idan Landau

doi:10.1111/stul.12148

Ellipsis with a Coordinated Antecedent: An Alternative to V-Stranding VP-Ellipsis

Idan Landau

Department of Foreign Literatures & Linguistics

Research output: Contribution to journal › Article › peer-review

4 Scopus citations

Abstract

Gribanova (2013b) observes that when the antecedent clause for an object gap in Russian contains a disjunction of ditransitive VPs, the gap is interpreted as if it contained the disjunction, thus favoring a V-stranding VP-ellipsis (VSVPE) analysis over a simple Argument Ellipsis (AE) analysis. We show that VSVPE fails to predict the attested interpretation of the gap when the antecedent VP contains a conjunction. The data are fully explained by combining AE with a pragmatic (scalar) inference triggered in situations of indeterminate ellipsis resolution, leading to multiple “cycles” in the dynamic semantics.

Original language	English
Pages (from-to)	1-23
Number of pages	23
Journal	Studia Linguistica
Volume	75
Issue number	1
DOIs	https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12148
State	Published - 1 Apr 2021

ASJC Scopus subject areas

Language and Linguistics
Linguistics and Language
History and Philosophy of Science

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10.1111/stul.12148

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Ellipsis with a Coordinated Antecedent: An Alternative to V-Stranding VP-Ellipsis

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