Abstract
A puzzling generalization, first noted by Faraci (1974), states that (non-causative) psychological adjectives tolerate at most a subject gap in their infinitival complement whereas non-psychological adjectives require exactly one gap (either subject or object). This paper argues that the generalization follows from the fact that the infinitive is a (propositional) argument of a psych adjective but a (predicative) modifier of a non-psych adjective. A series of tests (ellipsis, extraction, extraposition and P-stranding) confirms this asymmetry. A-bar binding is responsible for both subject-gap complements to non-psych adjectives and subject-gap infinitival relatives, explaining their crosslinguistic correlation. This strongly suggests that obligatory control does not fall under operator-abstraction, as argued by predicational treatments of control, but rather involves a different mechanism.
Original language | English |
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Pages (from-to) | 333-358 |
Number of pages | 26 |
Journal | Linguistic Review |
Volume | 16 |
Issue number | 4 |
DOIs | |
State | Published - 1 Jan 1999 |
ASJC Scopus subject areas
- Language and Linguistics
- Linguistics and Language